'Shut Up And Get On Board The Progress Train'
Lately, there has been a barrage of criticism to Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger's "post-partisan" approach with Democrats in the Legislature and Republicans in his own party. One of the central flaws in many of the arguments is the assumption that Schwarzenegger believes he magically installed bipartisan cooperation on the Capitol during his State of the State speech.
Post-partisanship is a goal, not a reality.
The other failed assumption is that Sen. Tom McClintock and other conservative Republicans in the state Legislature represent the California Republican Party as a whole. So when Schwarzenegger makes a deal with Democrats in the Legislature without a single GOP vote, it's easy to believe that post-partisanship has failed because Schwarzenegger is simply co-opting Democratic values.
But, in fact, California Republicans are being heard in negotiations with Democrats over health care reform and infrastructure bonds ... by Schwarzenegger himself. About 90% of California Republicans voted for Schwarzenegger last year. These people sanctioned his political philosophy and viewpoint, even if McClintock - who, by the way, lost his lieutenant governor race - forms his own political splinter group and fund-raising vehicle.
But there is natural suspicion to "post-partisanship." It's nebulous and academic. Jonah Goldberg offers "a little political Dramamine" for people really excited about this new bipartisan philosophy allegedly sweeping the nation.
"Denouncing partisanship doesn't make anyone pure of heart. Uniters can be motivated by selfishness just as dividers can be on the side of the angels. Have you noticed how the people most concerned about political polarization tend to be politicians in power? Arnold Schwarzenegger has refashioned himself as a 'post-partisan' governor in the hopes of bridging the supposedly terrible divisions in California. Maybe the guy who called Democrats 'girlie men' in 2004 really has had a change of heart. Or maybe it dawned on him that partisanship, although really useful for getting elected, is a handicap when it's time to govern or burnish your record."
It's true Schwarzenegger wants his legacy to be "rebuilding California," in the image of former Gov. Pat Brown. He told this to his new chief of staff, Susan Kennedy, in a private meeting after she was hired and wanted to know the direction she should head. And it's unquestionably true he needs Democrats for this. Goldberg sums it up with a translation of the post-partisan rhetoric: "Those who disagree with me should shut up and get on board the progress train."
The closest Schwarzenegger has come to clearly explaining his idea was at ...
the National Press Club about 3,000 miles from California to an audience that doesn't care much about him. But in the speech, Schwarzenegger said the "left and the right don't have a monopoly on conscience. We should not let them get away with that. You can be centrist and be principled. You can seek a consensus and retain your convictions. What is more principled than giving up some part of your position to advance the greater good of the people? That is how we arrived at a Constitution in this country."
Schwarzenegger is not being complicated here. He's just asking people to sit in a room together.
But the situation is naturally going to appear hopeless if you concentrate on conservatives Republicans in the Legislature. The saddest example came almost immediately after Republican Sen. Bob Dutton teamed up with Democrat Darrell Steinberg last month. They introduced a bill that would give $500 in seed money to start savings accounts for children born in California.
Never mind that the money would be paid back when the education savings accounts matured. Never mind that former Republican Sen. Rick Santorum had introduced a nearly identical bill in Congress. McClintock sent out an "action alert" email to his followers saying the seed money would create "a new wave of illegal immigration at a time when our prisons, hospitals and schools are being overwhelmed."
And never mind that Dutton had already approached Steinberg about changing the bill to make the $288 million price tag more palatable to fiscal conservatives. (Just like Schwarzenegger has preached.) But it was too late: McClintock's email and a battering on KFI's "John & Ken" show prompted Dutton to drop his name from the bill. His office received 1,000 calls from angry conservatives, but not a single heads-up from McClintock. He blindsided them. Afterward, Dutton walked up to McClintock in the Senate and reminded him of Ronald Reagan's 11th commandment not criticize other Republicans.
Too late.
(Photo: Nam Y Huh / AP)


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